originally posted by Jonathan Loesberg:
One doesn't have to believe in a utopia to think that there could be better arrangements of power. Marx didn't write the Soul of Man under Socialism. Oscar Wilde did. And as far as my reading goes, the line about the withering away of the state is pretty much confined to the Manifesto. It is logical to assume that if the 19th century state's raison d'etre was to guarantee a distribution of wealth to owners of the means of production, and bourgeois democracy forwarded that by giving the means of running a state to those with material ownership (as opposed to the preceding monarchic and aristocratic states), then a state in which ownership was distributed among workers would result in an absence of need of then current state mechanisms for guaranteeing the current distribution.You would have to be way stupider than Marx was to think that decision making could be made directly by all workers, so, of course, power would remain, and the withering away, to the extent that it mattered in the larger discourse, exists as what Kant might call a regulatory, utopic ideal. So, in any case, it is usually interpreted by those Marxists who don't run totalitarian states.
It's worth remembering in these exchanges, that probably 80% of what Marx wrote, if his name weren't attached to it, would be regarded as ideologically neutral sociological and economic analysis. I wager that if you gave me the right to excise about 5% of the Capital, I could publish the rest under the name of David Ricardo and no one would notice. Surplus profit, after all, is a genuine intellectual problem in 19th century capitalism and its concept of the labor theory of value and Marx was right to be concerned about it.
I agree with about 98 percent of what you write. Marx had a great deal to say about alienation, inequality, and the instability of unregulated markets. A great deal of what he wrote, even the parts in the Manifesto on property, are relatively neutral. Yes, in fundamental respects, Marx is best understood as a post-Ricardian economist. He was building on Ricardo and adapting the latter's critique of rent and land distribution to modern industry. That was, however, a fundamental shift. It would take you well north of 5 percent of Capital to rework the changes so people familiar with the arguments would not catch on. If Marx never fully spelled out what life would look like after the Revolution, he left little doubt that history, as we know it, would come to an end. It is not just the line about the withering away of the state in the Manifesto; it's also the introduction. The line about poetry and fishing comes from the German Ideology. Throughout his political works, Marx makes clear that class conflict drives history through a series of evolutionary stages and that mature industrial capitalism is the final stage. That vision is more complex in the historical works but unmistakably still present. You can apply Marx' insights into the functioning of industrial capitalism without accepting his view of history. There is also a great deal of room for debate -- as Bernstein and Luxemburg, among many others, showed -- about just what Marx meant by Revolution and how it should be achieved. But I don't think you can make sense of Marx without recognizing the utopian current that runs through his thought, despite his best efforts, or the effort to present a universalist account that would apply to all times and places. In philosophical terms, your Marx sounds more anti-foundationalist (and reasonable) than mine.