Wines for the 1%?

originally posted by Jonathan Loesberg:
One doesn't have to believe in a utopia to think that there could be better arrangements of power. Marx didn't write the Soul of Man under Socialism. Oscar Wilde did. And as far as my reading goes, the line about the withering away of the state is pretty much confined to the Manifesto. It is logical to assume that if the 19th century state's raison d'etre was to guarantee a distribution of wealth to owners of the means of production, and bourgeois democracy forwarded that by giving the means of running a state to those with material ownership (as opposed to the preceding monarchic and aristocratic states), then a state in which ownership was distributed among workers would result in an absence of need of then current state mechanisms for guaranteeing the current distribution.You would have to be way stupider than Marx was to think that decision making could be made directly by all workers, so, of course, power would remain, and the withering away, to the extent that it mattered in the larger discourse, exists as what Kant might call a regulatory, utopic ideal. So, in any case, it is usually interpreted by those Marxists who don't run totalitarian states.

It's worth remembering in these exchanges, that probably 80% of what Marx wrote, if his name weren't attached to it, would be regarded as ideologically neutral sociological and economic analysis. I wager that if you gave me the right to excise about 5% of the Capital, I could publish the rest under the name of David Ricardo and no one would notice. Surplus profit, after all, is a genuine intellectual problem in 19th century capitalism and its concept of the labor theory of value and Marx was right to be concerned about it.

I agree with about 98 percent of what you write. Marx had a great deal to say about alienation, inequality, and the instability of unregulated markets. A great deal of what he wrote, even the parts in the Manifesto on property, are relatively neutral. Yes, in fundamental respects, Marx is best understood as a post-Ricardian economist. He was building on Ricardo and adapting the latter's critique of rent and land distribution to modern industry. That was, however, a fundamental shift. It would take you well north of 5 percent of Capital to rework the changes so people familiar with the arguments would not catch on. If Marx never fully spelled out what life would look like after the Revolution, he left little doubt that history, as we know it, would come to an end. It is not just the line about the withering away of the state in the Manifesto; it's also the introduction. The line about poetry and fishing comes from the German Ideology. Throughout his political works, Marx makes clear that class conflict drives history through a series of evolutionary stages and that mature industrial capitalism is the final stage. That vision is more complex in the historical works but unmistakably still present. You can apply Marx' insights into the functioning of industrial capitalism without accepting his view of history. There is also a great deal of room for debate -- as Bernstein and Luxemburg, among many others, showed -- about just what Marx meant by Revolution and how it should be achieved. But I don't think you can make sense of Marx without recognizing the utopian current that runs through his thought, despite his best efforts, or the effort to present a universalist account that would apply to all times and places. In philosophical terms, your Marx sounds more anti-foundationalist (and reasonable) than mine.
 
I think Derrida and Foucault are anti-foundationalists. I, of course, recognize Marx's Hegelianism and thinking in terms of the end of history practically defines being both Hegelian and foundationalist. But one has to know what the end of history means. When Hegel said, in the 19th century no less, that art, from the perspective of its highest calling, was a thing of the past, he didn't think there either was no more art or would be no more art. He thought that art could no longer be the mode in which a culture understood itself and thus could no longer be a driver of historical change. For Marx, the end of history did mean the end of teleologically directed conflict. When the workers are also the owners, of necessity the class struggle will come to an end since the basis of class will no longer exist (not merely difference in economic wealth but the self-awareness of class state that comes with conflict). But, just as art objects continue to get produced even after art's historical role is over, historically meaningless, but no less actual conflict will have to exist. Neither Marx nor Hegel say these things directly except in the reading of clauses. I'm willing to think that Marx, because he never thought beyond the goal he wanted, never really considered the issue and only spoke utopically. I'm not willing to take that as a serious estimate of his thinking. And I'm not even close to being a Marxist, by the way.

For people who were read in David Ricardo and Marx, I couldn't of course pull it off with 5% or even 50%. At the very least, Ricardo doesn't have the wonderfully spooky lines about labor that identify it with being alive that occur in Marx. But you got my point about what 5% would do.
 
I think the late, great Gerry Cohen would agree with your sentiments, Jonathan. However, Marx's output is such that one is left trying to square Grundrisse with German Ideology, or more entertainingly, 18th Brumaire with reality (I don't think he ever let facts get in the way of great lines).

So the pedant in me insists on asking which Marx you are discussing, for I do not recognise the one you write about.
 
originally posted by Yixin:
I think the late, great Gerry Cohen would agree with your sentiments, Jonathan.

I don't think Cohen gave up on Marx' teleology. He simply presented a systematic version of the argument in Karl Marx' Theory of History: A Defense. I don't see how we can be talking about Marx' legacy without that teleology. Otherwise he merits no more than a footnote to Ricardo, apart from the great lines. Would you go that far, Jonathan?

originally posted by Yixin:
I don't think he [Marx] ever let facts get in the way of great lines.

Certainly not! That is among the great appeals of the work.
 
Actually, I'd almost say the reverse, up to a point. If one is to understand Marx as he understood himself, one can't do without the teleology, again just as with Hegel. And, to the extent that this started with his theory of justice and ideology, I would certainly agree that no statement he made makes any sense without the teleology. But, if one wants to think about his value as a thinker, I think one has to think around the teleology, just as one can only find what matters in Hegel by both understanding the teleology and thinking around it. I think he has more value as an historian, a sociologist and an economist than either Cliff or Yixin would allow. And that value does rise free of his teleology. The "footnote" he adds to Ricardo, while it makes the labor theory of value more of a superstition, also shows the superstition that was already there, and that's no small footnote. I am far from an expert on France between 1848 and 1852, but I also think the Class Struggles in France (and thus by extension, the parts of the 18th Brumaire that are nearly identical to it)to be pretty good history, better than any that was written at the time or for some years after and probably the best extant attempt to write the history of current events. People who write history from newspapers get their share of facts wrong.
 
originally posted by Christian Miller (CMM):
I am far from an expert on France between 148 and 1852
Did you mean 1848? I'm racking my brain for what happened in France in 148.

Fixed, thank you. I'm sure if you read the first volume of Michelet, you can find something that happened in France in 148. But I don't know anything in Marx about that year.
 
No doubt!

For a little more context:

The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles.
Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild-master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary re-constitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes.
In the earlier epochs of history, we find almost everywhere a complicated arrangement of society into various orders, a manifold gradation of social rank. In ancient Rome we have patricians, knights, plebeians, slaves; in the Middle Ages, feudal lords, vassals....
Our epoch, the epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this distinctive feature: it has simplified the class antagonisms. Society as a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, into two great classes directly facing each other: Bourgeoisie and Proletariat.
 
originally posted by Jonathan Loesberg:
As Marx did not say, Eggheads of the world, unite; you have nothing to lose but your yolks.

Bravo, Prof! That was nothing short of brilliant.

Mark Lipton
 
originally posted by MLipton:
originally posted by Jonathan Loesberg:
As Marx did not say, Eggheads of the world, unite; you have nothing to lose but your yolks.

Bravo, Prof! That was nothing short of brilliant.

Mark Lipton

Please don't give me credit for this. It's Adlai Stevenson.
 
originally posted by Jonathan Loesberg:
originally posted by MLipton:
originally posted by Jonathan Loesberg:
As Marx did not say, Eggheads of the world, unite; you have nothing to lose but your yolks.

Bravo, Prof! That was nothing short of brilliant.

Mark Lipton

Please don't give me credit for this. It's Adlai Stevenson.

Pshaw! You're an academic: if you can't take credit for the unacknowledged use of another's work, who can?

Mark Lipton
 
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